Nuu Chah Nulth Whaling and its Significance for Social and Economic Reproduction

Travis Reaveley
University of British Columbia

Reprinted with author permission from the Chicago Anthropology Exchange Graduate Journal of Anthropology, vol. 28, Spring 1998, pp. 23-40.

Comments on this paper will be forwarded to the author.

Preface

My inspiration for writing this essay came from the unwillingness on the part of many non-native people to acknowledge the rights of the Makah and other Nuu Chah Nulth groups to return to their whaling traditions. It is by no means meant to convey the feelings of Nuu Chah Nulth peoples, or characterise their own perspectives on this subject. It is rather an attempt to educate those unwilling to accept the rights of First Nation's people with respect to reclaiming that which has been taken from them. I write from a non-native perspective using anthropological references and determinations to support my conclusions. It is my hope that reading this essay will provide a forum for a re-evaluation on the part of those speaking from a perspective of ignorance, or simply from a lack of knowledge, about the issues.

I would like to thank Dr. Bruce Miller Professor of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia for his editorial input and guidance with this work.

Introduction

The whaling culture of the Nuu chah nulth people in the pre-contact period was of central importance in the development and elaboration of their cultural expressions. Not only did it serve subsistence and economic purposes (Cavanagh 1983: 63; Arima 1983, 1988: 26; Huelsbeck 1988), it also fulfilled important social, spiritual and ritual functions (Swan 1870; Drucker 1951; Colson 1953: 175-176). The advent of commercial whaling and the decimation of traditional whale herds in the 19th and early 20th centuries, coupled with the introduction of a European cash economy, created a shift in emphasis away from whaling and its associated social mechanisms (Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 408; Renker and Gunther 1990: 428; Cavanagh 1983: 63). Economic considerations became more significant than the prestige and subsistence importance of whaling. In addition, international rules and regulations prohibiting whaling (Freeman 1993: 243) further served to marginalize Nuu chah nulth peoples.

The decimation of whale herds, in combination with assimilative government practices and international laws, subsequently separated Nuu chah nulth peoples from their whaling traditions. In the case of the Mowachaht, their displacement from Friendly Cove (Yuoquot) to Gold River removed them from their land, and consequently from their whaling heritage. This did not, however, remove it from their hearts. Although the tradition of whaling among the Mowachaht has ceased, the role it plays in their cultural activities and beliefs has not (The Washing of Tears 1994).

Despite the fact that whaling is no longer an activity in which Nuu chah nulth peoples currently participate, I believe that its reintroduction could provide an important and necessary cultural function. Although whaling is not required for subsistence, it remains an important vehicle for cultural sustenance and reconstitution. In this paper I intend to examine whaling as a significant element of past and present Nuu chah nulth cultures using a materialist framework. I will argue that while subsistence may presently be obtained in many other ways, resumption of whaling would likely provide an important social mechanism for rebuilding and strengthening their culture.

Historic Whaling Among Nuu chah nulth Peoples

Scholars have suggested that Nuu chah nulth peoples adopted whaling as a subsistence pursuit 1000 - 2000 years ago (Dewhirst 1980, and Fisken 1980 in Kool 1982: 31). For Nuu chah nulth peoples whaling was a complex system of co-operation and interaction, requiring the combined effort of an entire group to achieve success. It was believed that the failure of just one person to follow the strict observances before, during and after a whaling expedition would result in a lost effort (Cavanagh 1983: 107). A successful hunt was an important mechanism in the ritual, economic and social lives of Nuu chah nulth peoples (Arima 1983, 1988; Cavanagh 1983; Kirk 1986: 133).

It is generally suggested that a Nuu chah nulth whaler was a chief. "Whaling was the noblest calling, and the whaler was always a chief" (Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 395; see also Cavanagh 1983: 106). However, some scholars believe that it was possible to become a whaler despite ones social standing (Roulette Jr. 1984: 146; Colson 1953: 175). Sources agree that success increased a whalers standing and prestige within his community. "The chief's prestige was closely linked to his success as a whaler" (Cavanagh 1983: 107; see also Colson 1953: 208). Drucker (1951: 49-50) goes so far as to suggest, "...that the prestige value of whaling outweighed its economic importance is clear...[and] the economic reward in proportion to the expenditure of time and energy was slight" (see also Drucker in McFeat 1965: 22; Swanson 1956: 55). Data regarding amounts of oil and blubber obtained from a single whale, however, contests this position (Cavanagh 1983: 77; Huelsbeck 1988: 9; Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 395). "A single whale represented a huge supply of food and materials: oil, meat, bone and gut" (Kirk 1986a: 133).

Intimately connected to a whaler's success was his ability to direct the outcome of a hunt through strict observances and carefully enacted rituals. "An extremely important aspect of the hunt was ritual preparation observed by a chief and his crew" (Cavanagh 1983: 107; see also Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 395; Sproat 1987: 152). The primary rituals, however, were those of the chief. It was his task to ensure his own success by enlisting supernatural assistance and drawing the whales to him. Supernatural support was obtained from "...charms and other magic devices to give them [whalers] the spiritual power to kill a whale" (Kool 1982:37; see also Arima 1983: 9). As Cavanagh points out, "...a hunter's success demonstrated his good relationship with supernatural powers..." (1983: 107).

Whalers would ritually bathe daily before a hunt; imitating the slow methodical movements of the whale and avoiding quick or jerky ones that would result in similar actions being taken by a whale when it was struck. A whaler's wife would often assist her husband by holding a line that was attached to him while he swam, simulating a harpooned whale (Cavanagh 1983: 108). While a whaler was hunting his wife remained at home lying still and motionless, "...[causing] the wounded cetacean to run but a short ways" (Drucker 1951: 177; see also Colson 1953: 175; Cavanagh 1983: 108; Waterman 1920: 38). Kool refers to these ritual acts as imitative magic (1982: 31).

Another important ritual involved the use of a secret shrine, or washing house (Cole 1995: 161), such as the one collected by Hunt and Boas in 1904. Wooden images of dead whalers, skulls and corpses were used to draw dead whales in to shore (Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 395, 408; see also Boas 1930: 261-269). This form of ritual whaling was an important method with which dead and mortally wounded whales could be brought to shore, providing a valuable food source (Efrat and Langlois 1978; Cavanagh 1983: 154; Kirk 1986a: 133).

Redistribution was an important social aspect of whale hunting among Nuu chah nulth peoples (Cavanagh 1983: 110). The chief, who acted as the harpooner, received the choicest pieces, which were the saddle and tail of the animal (Cavanagh 1983: 111; Drucker 1951; Kool 1982: 37). The crew also received particular cuts, and the remaining parts were divided throughout the community according to specific rules (Waterman 1920: 45; Cavanagh 1983: 111-112; Kirk 1986a: 134). "The donor knows to a pound what everybody receives, and expects a return at a future date" (Waterman 1920: 45).

When analysing historical data it is apparent that whaling served important subsistence, economic, ritual and social functions for Nuu chah nulth cultures. Recognition of this fact is important in forming conclusions about the cultural significance of efforts to resume whaling presently being undertaken by some Nuu chah nulth groups.

A Total Social Relationship

The social organisation of the Nuu chah nulth people was based on a stratified local group or lineage (Cavanagh 1983: 37; see also Drucker 1951; Arima 1983; Arima and Dewhirst 1990). At the head of the lineage was the local or house chief, the oldest son of the oldest son, a right of inheritance commonly referred to as primogeniture (Kirk 1986: 43; Cavanagh 1983: 37; Drucker 1951: 245). Younger sons could also be chiefs, but were under the authority of the house chief. The younger sons and their families formed what Drucker (1951: 245) and Cavanagh (1983:37) refer to as the middle class, followed by commoners and below them slaves. Local group membership was based on kinship and choice (1983: 39; Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 399, 401).

The house chief, as the central authority figure, had charge of resources within his territory, and was entitled to receive a share of everything harvested in them (Kirk 1986:44; Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 400). "...They [Nuu chah nulth chiefs] owned practically everything of value or importance in West Coast life..." (Arima 1983: 69; see also Drucker 1951: 220; Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 400). These privileges, however, were heavily dependent upon the support of a chief's house or group members. "A chief and his more distantly related commoners were interdependent, the maintenance of his high standing resting on the support of the commoners..." (Arima and Dewhirst 1990: 401). If a chief was unable to provide adequate security for the members of his group, they left him for a better chief. "Individuals were attracted to a particular chief's house by his reputation as a competent provider" (Cavanagh 1983:40). A chief's ability to provide security for the members of his group was paramount in securing the necessary people to aid in harvesting the resources he controlled. This enabled a chief to obtain his share of the harvest, which in turn allowed him to hold feasts and gain greater prestige, thus attracting more members to his group.

The local, or house, chief was what Jay Miller (1993: 306) has referred to as a "real" person. "Real" people were mediators between the land, spirits and humans. They understood the complex interdependencies that existed in order for the ecological and spiritual balance of their world to be maintained (Ibid). "Real" people provided commoners with the spiritual and ritual sustenance they required in order to exist. In return, in the case of the Nuu chah nulth, they contributed to the ability of the chief to increase his wealth, and subsequently his prestige through feasting and redistribution.

The relationship between a chief and his group can thus be referred to as a total social relationship: the chief relies on the members of his group to harvest the resources within his territory, and they rely upon him for his ability to provide them with ritual and economic security. "His [the chief] own abilities in chiefly endeavours, such as whaling, contributed to his attractiveness as a leader" (1983: 41). Success in whaling provided a chief with not only economic security for the members of his group; it also increased his prestige and prominence as a chief, thereby attracting more people to his village. In turn members of a group with a strong chief were provided with the ceremonial and economic benefits necessary for ensuring ritual and physical existence. This mutually beneficial relationship and its foundations are of significant importance in the harvesting of whales, as discussed in the following section.

A Complex Web of Social Interaction

...Powerful ritual, painstaking preparation, courage, patience, skill - plus an ability to design, make and use excellent equipment - these attributes and more went into whaling. (Kirk 1986a: 133).

Whaling was an involved subsistence technique consisting of a number of necessary skills and social activities. These combined to form an effective economic and social institution. The unity and interaction of the various activities surrounding whaling worked to form an elaborate and interconnected mesh of economic, ritual and redistribution prerogatives. This involved not only the chief and his house, but also other members of the community (Cavanagh 1983; Kirk 1986a; Arima 1983, 1988).

"Whaling was central to Nuu-chah-nulth culture and the whaling theme is a highly significant element in stories, songs, dances, ceremonies and visual arts and crafts..." (Nuu chah nulth Tribal Council and the Mowachaht Band). The reliance of whaling on a variety of cultural institutions, economic, social and ritual, combined with the complex interaction and dependence of each aspect on the others, resulted in what I have referred to as a total social relationship.

From a strictly materialist perspective it could be argued that the availability and productive capacity of whales, led to the development of its associated economic and cultural institutions. Marx suggested that humans create their own society through production (Marx and Engels in McGee and Warms 1996: 52-65). In other words, the productive force of whaling resulted in the creation of social forms to regulate it, a division of labour if you will. Additionally, it can be argued that with the decline of whaling and the availability of other forms of subsistence, the need to resume whaling is unnecessary. If the question was purely one of subsistence, this might be a valid argument. However, the problem is much more complex.

Assimilative cultural practices of the Canadian and American governments over the course of the last two hundred years, has removed the power of the Nuu chah nulth peoples to control their own destiny. The removal of this control, combined with assimilative efforts, such as the anti-potlatch law (see Cole and Chaikin 1990), effectively worked to stifle traditional cultural practices.

For the Mowachaht people of Friendly Cove (Yuoquot), their relocation to Gold River, combined with the international regulation of commercial whaling in 1946 (Freeman 1993: 243), resulted in the loss of their most significant cultural institution. Marx points out that not only must a mode of subsistence be considered as a mode of physical existence, but also as a mode of cultural existence. "[The] mode of production must not be considered simply as being the production of the physical existence of the individuals. Rather it is a definite form of expressing their life, a definite mode of life on their part" (Marx and Engels in McGee and Warms 1996: 55). Without their primary cultural institution, or mode of production, the Mowachaht, and Nuu chah nulth peoples in general, also lost the underlying 'mode of life' around which their social life revolved. With the cornerstone removed, the cultural walls were inevitably weakened.

Using a materialist perspective we can begin to uncover the relation between the loss of whaling as a mode of production, and the destabilisation of its associated social institutions. The prestige associated with whaling success, an important aspect of a chief's power, was removed (Drucker 1951; Cavanagh 1983; Swan 1870; Arima 1983; Colson 1953). For the Mowachaht the loss of whaling for subsistence, economic and cultural purposes, was accompanied by the loss of the Whalers Washing House (Cole 1995: 161) and knowledge of its important associated rituals (The Washing of Tears 1994). The loss of this significant ritual device can be seen as the loss of the means of production, further deteriorating their 'mode of life' (Marx and Engels in McGee and Warms 1996: 55).

Reclaiming a Way of Life

Nobody in recent years has received power for whaling, for whaling belongs to a vanished way of life. (Colson 1953: 252).

The suppression of cultural practices, inherent within the colonial and neo-colonial governmental policies of the 19th and 20th centuries, has resulted in cultural chaos for First Nation's people. Pre-contact cultural knowledge and practices were often lost through disuse as a result of contact and the assimilation process. Overuse of resources by settlers often resulted in serious depletion and/or complete loss. Additionally, First Nation's people were regularly excluded from traditional subsistence pursuits, due to the value they held for the cash economy (Colson 1953: 123; see also Goddard 1995). As a result, First Nation's people were often marginalized from their mode of production, and consequently from their 'mode of life' (Marx and Engels in Warms and McGee 1996). "The ways of subverting limiting constructions of...Aboriginality are thus as diverse as the practices, media and genres through which such subversions are effected" (Thomas 1994: 190).

Nuu chah nulth peoples, like other First Nation's people, were an unwilling part of this cultural destabilisation. Over-harvesting of whales by commercial whalers resulted in near extinction for some herds. "The gray whale calving grounds were discovered in 1846 and by 1874 over 10,800 animals had been slaughtered" (Cavanagh 1983: 76; see also Colson 1953: 122-123). The collection of material culture by museums, such as the Whalers Washing House collected by Hunt and Boas (Cole 1995: 161), also removed important knowledge and associated means of production, further disrupting the 'mode of life'.

With the cultural resurgence of many First Nation's groups, there seems to be a realisation that reclaiming former mode(s) of production is associated with cultural revitalisation, or 'mode of life'. For certain Nuu chah nulth groups, cultural revitalisation has included efforts to return to whaling. Two groups in particular, the Makah of the Olympic Peninsula and the Ahousat of Vancouver Island's West coast, have made it clear that they intend to resume this way of life.

Whaling for the Nuu chah nulth people has become more than a means of subsistence. It represents a past that they controlled, and a tool enabling them to regain self-determination and cultural revitalisation. By resuming whaling, the Makah people believe that this will bring renewed cultural pride in their young people who will better appreciate their cultural heritage. "...Makah tribal members have argued all along that the whale hunt is most important as a way to resurrect a sense of community and provide hope on the isolated reservation" (Westneat 1997). The recognition that whaling serves more than just a mode of production, but also a 'mode of life', is key to the Makah's understanding of its importance for their culture.

Environmentalists claim that the resumption of whaling is based on economic greed, rather than cultural revitalisation. Their perspective, however, is based on a western notion of commercialisation and greed. Excluding the Nuu chah nulth from whaling, because of possible commercial economic benefits they might derive, or due to the threat to recovering whale populations, is problematic.

Like many First Nation's groups, the Nuu chah nulth have had their economic life destabilised by a capitalist system based on commercial gain. Not allowing them to participate in the system that was forced upon them continues the colonial subversion of their culture. Additionally, to suggest that by resuming whaling the Nuu chah nulth would threaten whale herds ignores the reason why whale stocks were decimated in the first place. The economic benefits of a return to whaling by the Nuu chah nulth people cannot be separated from the cultural ones. "...We may conclude that taking huge sea mammals rich in oil...made Nootkan whaling economically as well as socially rewarding" (Arima 1988: 26; see also Cavanagh 1983; Huelsbeck 1988; Arima 1983, 1988).

Today, I would suggest, the cultural value of whaling greatly exceeds its commercial necessity.

For example, the critical importance of fish and wildlife harvesting to any group can be assessed by the extent to which that activity is central to reproducing its social relations of production [my emphasis]... (Freeman 1993: 245).

In today's world of Safeway and 7-11, food is far more easily obtainable with much less risk. This is not, however, the reason whaling is being revived. Instead, in the materialist sense, it is a return to a way of life that was conditioned by whaling; one which was not only built by it, but at the same time integral to its success; in other words, a total social relationship.

The comparison I would draw upon to support the idea that the resumption of whaling would strengthen Nuu chah nulth cultures, is the return to long distance canoeing by First Nation's people of the Northwest Coast. The opening of Barb Cranmer's film Qatuwas, held at the Squamish Nation cultural centre in North Vancouver British Columbia last winter, was attended by many of the participants in a canoe journey that began in numerous communities along the coast of Washington and BC, ending in Bella Bella. In an emotionally charged environment, it felt as if more than just an historic tradition had been revived. It seemed that people felt they were also reclaiming their self-determination, pride and history. Whaling would not have as wide ranging an impact as the return to long distance canoeing, but it is possible that the Nuu chah nulth people could experience a similar overall effect.

Environmentalist Arguments and the 'Primitive Past'

In recent years the business of whales has reached a feverish pitch. With the success of conservation efforts and the international regulation of whaling, Pacific Coast herds are returning to historic numbers. Conservation and protection efforts have been so successful, that certain species, such as the gray whale, have been taken off the endangered list. This has brought about an interesting dilemma in light of recent requests to resume whaling by the Makah of the Olympic Peninsula and the Ahousat of Vancouver Island.

In the case of the Makah, an 1855 treaty signed with the United States government specifically guaranteed them the right to continue whaling under Article 4 (Eitelbach 1997). Additionally, the International Whaling Commission excludes aboriginal whale fisheries from its whaling moratorium (Freeman 1993:243). This moratorium recognises not only the subsistence importance of whaling, but also its social and cultural significance. "In these instances "subsistence" is generally taken to involve issues of human socio-economic, cultural, and nutritional need" (1993: 243).

The request by the Makah to resume whaling has been met with shock and anger on the part of environmentalists and some government officials. Despite the 1855 treaty guaranteeing their right to whale, 44 out of 535 members of the United States Congress signed a letter of condemnation opposing the Makah's request (thanks to Robert Steelquist, Education Coordinator at the Olympic Coast National Marine Sanctuary for this corrected information). Additionally, the Sea Shepherd Society, a radical environmental group, has posted several condemnations of this decision on the Internet. They claim that if the Makah want to whale, they should only be able to use 'traditional' tools and not the high powered weapons they intend to utilise. "There isn't a trace of 'ceremonial aboriginal whaling' in this plan..." (Voth 1997).

This argument associates aboriginal right and tradition with the past. Environmentalists assert that whaling by First Nation's people should only involve the utilisation of 'traditional', as opposed to modern, methods. At the same time they condemn traditional methods and rituals by invoking their 'gruesome' characteristics from a Western perspective. In a specific example the Sea Shepherd Society makes an interpretation of the imitative rituals enacted historically by Nuu chah nulth whalers using corpses, as 'gruesome' (Kundu 1996).

These tactics effectively place first nations people in a perfect 'primitive' past, that is at the same time less destructive, but also less 'civilised'. Such an idea is similar to 19th century evolutionary notions of the 'primitive': at one with nature, yet at the same time 'savage' and lacking in 'civilised' mannerisms.

Claiming the Future by Reclaiming the Past

In spite of opposition from some members of Congress and environmental groups, on October 23, 1997 the Makah nation received permission from the International Whaling Commission to resume whaling. This approval means that Makah whaling boats could be in the water as early as the spring of 1998, for the first time in 70 years (Westneat 1997; Kool 1982: 36).

The importance of this ruling is twofold for the Makah. Not only does it allow them to reclaim a mode of production once a part of their lives, but also more importantly it strengthens their 'mode of life' by recovering their basis for social life. "We have taken a lot of abuse, people saying we don't really need to hunt whales, that it's not that important anymore. That's hard to hear when you consider it central to who you are" (John Ahrens, Makah lawyer and tribal member in Westneat 1997). To suggest that whaling is not necessary, because it is no longer required for subsistence, is to ignore the cultural and ritual significance it holds for social life. Without whaling these aspects of Nuu chah nulth culture, while not extinguished, lack the foundation and basis around which they were formed.

Conclusion

In the pre-contact world of the Nuu chah nulth whaling represented a significant way of life, both economically and socially; one which necessitated the participation of the group, not only for the physically demanding aspects and logistics, but also for the spiritual power necessary for success. Success depended on unity, co-operation and spirituality on the part of a chief, his crew and other members of his family and community. Success involved bathing, imitative rituals and observances that brought dead drift whales to shore, and ensured that whales being hunted remained passive.

The importance of whaling for Nuu chah nulth peoples is reflected in the economic, social and ritual elements that surround its cultural elaboration. It expressed not only a mode of production, but also a 'mode of life'. I have referred to the interaction and dependence of the economic, social and ritual aspects of Nuu chah nulth whaling as a total social relationship. This relationship is what makes the return to whaling by the Nuu chah nulth culturally significant, and why arguments suggesting commercial greed and economic gain are misguided and unfair.

The positive effects of resuming whaling for the Nuu chah nulth are possible in relation to a materialist analysis of the relationship between physical and social existence. The symbiotic nature of this relationship makes the reality of one without the other culturally problematic. The Nuu chah nulth have retained many of their cultural traditions, despite having been unable to whale in the last 70-80 years (Kool 1982: 36). Combined with government policies, however, the stability and structure of these practices have been destabilised. The resumption of whaling, if successful, will likely strengthen Nuu chah nulth culture by revitalising the very foundation upon which ritual and social life exist.

Environmentalist arguments are undermined when the importance of whaling to Nuu chah nulth cultural life is acknowledged. Anthropologists have shown that economic and subsistence factors do not outweigh the social and ritual significance of whaling (Cavanagh 1983; Arima 1983, 1988; Huelsbeck 1988). The importance of economic and subsistence components in relation to social life, is recognised by the International Whaling Commission in their aboriginal exemption (Freeman 1993: 243). Additionally, a suggestion that whaling only be allowed using 'traditional' methods imposes limiting definitions on First Nation's cultures as static and 'primitive'. The notion of a 'perfect past' and less destructive ways only serves to patronise the Nuu chah nulth and First Nation's people in general.

By broadening our perspectives and acknowledging the importance of both economic and social aspects of culture, we can begin to understand the possible positive outcome of resuming whaling for Nuu chah nulth peoples. Viewed in this light whaling becomes an important and integral part of a cultural tradition that reaches back 1000 - 2000 years. To deny this fact is to continue the suppression of Nuu chah nulth culture, and reinforce colonial and neo-colonial constructions and practices.

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